Wednesday, August 31, 2016

On Origins of Political Violence in Kashmir

Kashmiris have come to believe violence is the way forward. No matter which shade of political spectrum it is, no matter if publicly it is denounced, on the ground violence has a certain currency. There is a reason for it. People would say it is the religion or violence is against the oppression and the natural translation of violence is presented as rebellion. However, the simple reason there is violence in Kashmir is because certain people have always benefited from it politically, socially and economically.

On recounting the origins, depending on which political side is talking, 1990 Pandits exodus would be mentioned, the violence against Jamatis would be mentioned, exodus of Muslim leaders to Pakistan in 1950s would be mentioned and finally 13 July 1931 would be mentioned.

1931 is rightly the beginning point. But, how is it remembered. In a Dina Nath Nadim story about 1931, we read about a poor working class Kashmiri planning to murder a rich non-Kashmiri merchant. The man’s child is hungry while the non-kashmiri is rich and fat. It is a classic class struggle. However, that’s how art produced under Kashmiri nationalistic regime remembers it.

What is often not remembered is this little snippet of history provided by Ravinderjit Kaur in her book Political awakening in Kashmir (1996):

“On September 24, 1931, posters were pasted in the entire city, stating that the Muslims had declared Jehad against the Maharaja’s Government. The Superintendent of Police was asked to arrest three Muslim leaders viz. Saad-ud-Din Shawl, Ghulam Ahmad Ashai and Ghulam Mohammad Bakshi. But the police failed to arrest them: their houses were already guarded by numerous crowds. Soon after they were told that the police had gone back, Ghulam Ahmad Ashai and Ghulam Mohammad Bakshi left their homes and went to the residence of Saad-ud-Din Shawl at Khanyar. About fifteen thousand people from Srinagar and other adjacent villages and towns assembled at Khanyar. These people were armed with all kinds of weapons they were having at their homes; for the day before, Moulvi Mohammad Yousuf Shah had called upon the people to assemble at Khanyar with the weapons. In Shopian also the demonstrators assaulted the policemen,with the result that a Head Constable was beaten to death. The mob then entered the police station and burnt the records and other State properties. The police opened the fire. Two persons were killed and some others injured.”

It was perhaps unfortunate that violence lead to political change in Kashmir and the language it spoke in was religion. Violence of 1931 set the bad precedent: mob violence leads to change. Kashmiri needed many more such changes but it was mostly mob violence that got repeated.

In Nationalist Kashmiri narrative, 1931 is celebrated. Meanwhile, in 1931, Pandits mourned their dead and moved on. However, today they remember it as beginning of the calamity that befell them.

In Kashmiri Tahreek narrative, 1931 is celebrated. The anti-Jamati mob violence of 1980s is presented as the justification of their counter violence towards NC workers.

In between all these historic events, in these timelines there is an interesting violent episode that is not recalled. The 1946 Dyalgam incident. While 1931, showed how violence can be used, the 1946 incident saw the first proper use of it to suppress counter political thoughts. How it is mobilized. How the names may have changed but the game remains the same. It shows in which direction politics of Kashmir was going to go.

On 7th April, 1946, in the small village of Dyalgam in Anantnag, a gathering of peasants was called by Kisan Conference, the socialist third front which was battling for power against National Conference of Sheikh Abdullah and Muslim Conference of Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah.
Anantnag was supposed to be stronghold of NC, that something like could happened in their backyard, rattled the NC leaders. Mirza Afzal Beg who had been touring India to seek support for his party, returned to Kashmir to handle the upstart party. On that day, he arrived in the village with a force of 400 lathi bearing men in 9 lorries and 22 tongas. The violence began. Beg expected to win. He had precious experience in managing such violence.  Recounting the incident in “The History of Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir“, Premnath Bazaz who was part of Kisan Conference, links the violent method of Beg to the fact that he had earlier tasted success using the method. In 1936, Afzal Beg to settle a land dispute with Pandits of Mattan had arrived at the scene with a mob of 5000 men. Bazaar writes:

“The Hindus being only a few hundred in number were mortally afraid when they saw the big army approaching under the command of Afzal Beg. They shut themselves up in their houses and let the Muslims do what they liked. Happily nothing untoward occurred but the commander was satisfied with the results. The helpless minority of pandits had been humbled. Beg had mistaken peasants for Pandits in Dyalgam. That was his miscalculation and the cause of defeat.”
The peasants offered counter violence to the NC mob and the leader had to beat a hasty retreat. It is said, while he was escaping a peasant woman caught hold of him and to humiliate him put her headgear on his head. But, that was not the end of it. As often happens, he had to explain his defeat and found the easier scapegoats. Outside the town, he addressed his supporters and abused the Pandits for supporting the peasant movement.
Although NC forces were defeated, this did not stop them from using the other Kashmiri method to finish off the political opponents: the veiled threats. One of the victims of these threats was Pandit Prithvi Nath Bhat, B.A. LLB, member of Anantnag bar and vice-president of the Kisan Conference. In the resignation letter (reminiscent of similar letters politicians wrote to militant in 1990, and letters that even now some people write in Kashmir), he wrote:

“In the interest of life and property of my relatives and myself I wish to retire from politics. The incident in Dyalgam on 7th April, 1946, which ended in a clash between the adherents of the National Conference and the supporters of the Kisan Conference has made my bare existence impossible in Anantnag where our political opponents threaten to kill me. Mirza Mohammed Afzal Beg’s repeated venomous utterances against me have struck terror in the hearts of my kith and kin and I do not want to be the cause of their destruction. It is really a misfortune to be born in Kashmir and more so as a Hindu. The National Confrencites who are quite adept in the art of inciting people to violence in the name of religion can conveniently destroy me. I shall continue to serve the Kisan Conference, which is dearest to me, in other ways.”

Post 1948 as NC got more and more powerful with the support of India, the people opposing them politically faced the one natural Kashmiri option - die or exile. In 1951, Abdul Slam Yatu, the President of Kisan Mazdoor Conference was sent off to Pakistan on the condition he would never return. Other leaders of this third front like Shyam Lal Yechha, Pitambar Nath Dhar Fani, D.N. Bhan and Prem Nath Bazaz were thrown out of the valley. Even Moulvi Yusuf Shah was sent off to Kashmir. This in an ideological way was the origin of the proverbial Kashmiri saying that was to be raised by the mob in 1990, ”raliv-challiv-ya-galliv”, mix-runoff-or-die. Or, in a sad comical way the origin of Hindutva’s cry of, “send them to Pakistan”.

As we can see, today in Kashmir, socialists don’t matter. Pandit socialist don’t even exist in Kashmir. Pandits don’t even matter politically. NC, which first used the tool of violence, don’t matter. PDP (which claims to be the flag-bearers of pre-1950s NC), and whose founding-father Mufti Mohammad Sayeed in 1986 first tested the same violent tool in Anantnag; they too don’t matter. If today Hurriyat or anyone else is using it, they too in future won’t matter. All that would be remaining would be an even more polarised public with even more easily inflammable passions.

The purification cycle will continue till violence is seen as a politically rewarding exercise. Or it will continue till no one is left to purge purify.


Saturday, August 27, 2016

Pushing out left out Common sense

July 19 

In Greater Kashmir, we read the remaining Pandit families of Tral are collectively mourning Wani who, with a broad brush of humanity, we are told, as a kid was quite a joker.

“I did not eat anything that day, I swear of my son. How could we eat? He was like my son,” Devi said at her home in Tral-i-Payeen locality of the town.”

Maybe the poor people have not choice but to say that. After all, they accept their “protectors” are their neighbours and not the government supplied police post next to their house. Or maybe, they do really feel bad. Or may be both.
It reminded me of the passage from Rahul Pandita’s “Our Moon has blood Clots” where his mother in Jammu mourns the death of a kid who died a militant in Srinagar. Also, the report has no input from 10000 odd Sikhs that like in Tral (certainly till recently, a 2002 Report from previous elections:

Meanwhile, BBC Hindi reported the strange case of a man named Jagannath, who had left Kashmir in 1990 but returned home in 2007. In recent violence, his house was pelted with stones and his wife received head injuries. The old man is again preparing to go into “self-exile”. May be would not leave. Maybe, like it is often happening these day, someone else would visit the place and we would hear that the entire news is wrong. All is fine with Jagannath. He momentarily lost sense. It was nothing personal. Violence was everywhere. We are all one in our pain. Pain the new binding glue of Kashmiriyat. Maybe, Kashmiriyat was just that. A quick “fix-it” to put together a broken glass.

So what is happening to pandits in Kashmir. Answer is simple: like other Kashmiris, they too are chess pieces in a great game. There are people who would not see the writing on the wall, instead, choose to whitewash the entire wall. Often facts are spun in a way they would make the “tehreek” kaleen look all clean, if not to a local buyer, certainly to a global buyer of great Kashmir conflict narrative factory.

Something similar was happening in 1990. One of the strangest report about Pandits to come from 1990 had this to say:

“It seems that common sense is dawning upon some Kashmiri Pandits who had migrated from the strife-torn valley to Jammu and other places early this year.”

These are the opening lines of an unsigned piece titled “Pushed Out?” from respected left journal EPW published in 24 Nov, 1990. Here, I would like to disclose, in November 1990, my family was living in Jammu on rooftop in a single storeroom after leaving Kashmir in March. Much water has flown down Jhelum since then, I have tried to count the waves moving from cities all around India. For past few years, I have been contributing my writings to EPW. So, I have some idea how seriously they take their work. Naturally, it makes me wonder how something like this got pushed there?
The answer is not difficult to understand. Back then too they were fighting the right.
“If one is to go by letters appearing in the local Srinagar Urdu press, the migrate Pundits living in refugee camps in Jammu are realising now that their massive fleeing was perhaps unwarranted, and that they had become pawns in the communal games of the BJP-Shiv Sena, politicians.”

Pandit question was tricky even back then, so it was simply explained away as stupidity of the community, foolish people got taken in by the propaganda of the right. To prove it, a propaganda piece from a Kashmiri paper was used as an alibi. The EPW piece went on to claim:

“They openly acknowledge their mistakes and are expressing their desire of returning to the Valley. An interesting exchange between some among the Pundit refugees on the one hand, and Kashmiri Muslims (including representatives of a militant organisation) on the other, in the columns of the Srinagar daily Alsafa News, indicates the changing mood and also reveals the machinations of the former governor Jagmohan who organised the ‘mass emigration’ of the Kashmiri Pundits in February-March this year. One KL Kaul living in the Nagrota Transit Camp in Jammu wrote a letter in the paper (dated September 18) stating that Jagmohan sent a message to the Pundits of the Valley in the first week of February to migrate to safer places since the government had planned to kill about 1,50,000 Kashmiri Muslims in its bid to overcome the uprising.”

This was the genesis of what would be called the “Jagmohan Plot”. The preposterous theory that all the pandits left because Jagmohan told them to leave so that he can kill 1 lakh-to-1.5 lakh young Kashmiris.

And the fact that EPW published it, lent it the credibility it craved. Credibility that is still shoved into Pandit face. Interestingly, if today you search for the article, it is available at a Panun Kashmir website. At the website, since EPW is not attributed, the article appears as if it was published by Panun Kashmir. In the way internet works these days, even this can be used as a “credible” source, anyone can claim, ”even your own stupid organisation accepts Jagmohan theory…check this link []”. I am sure the threat letters to Pandits published in local Kashmiri papers were never discussed thread bare in the journal. And this fact is now used by right-wingers for their own appropriation of pandit narrative.

Interestingly, the only other “credible” source of this theory is a paper published in Washington, DC, in 1990 by an organisation called Kashmir American Council run by Syed Ghulam Nabi Fai of ISI money fame and a cousin of Geelani of Hurriyat. The paper was simply titled, “Kashmiri Pandits (Hindus) Expose Jagmohan's Plot” and had letter pieces titled “Runaway Pandits Confess”. I have a copy of that paper. More of that some other time.

I am not suggesting that EPW article was an ISI plot. But, the anonymous person (I suspect Balraj Puri) who wrote it was certainly being a fool, if not a tool. In the ideological battle, both left and right would like to see pandit story in a particular convenient way, mend and bend the plot to please themselves, even if the plots sound childish, even if the sources are dubious. They know a war is on, and it has to be won at all cost, even if it means selling a bit of lies.

from searchkashmir collection

hukus bukus telli wann che kus
Wangan batta photkha deag'e
Aazadi mangkha Kaw kaw
Brahman bayas gardan kich kich

~ Lal Dread Andrabi

What did you learn on street today

What did you learn on street today,
Dear little boy of mine?
What did you learn on street today,
Dear little boy of mine?
I learned that Srinagar never told a lie.
I learned that Mujahids seldom die.
I learned that we ought be free,
And that's what the leader said to me.
That's what I learned in street today,
That's what I learned in street.
What did you learn on FB today,
Dear little boy of mine?
What did you learn on FB today,
Dear little boy of mine?
I learned that Mujahids are my friends.
I learned that justice never ends.
I learned that kafirs die for their crimes
Even if we make a mistake sometimes.
What did you learn on TV today,
Dear little boy of mine?
What did you learn on TV today,
Dear little boy of mine?
I learned our Tehreek must be strong;
It's always right and never wrong;
Our leaders are the finest men
And we must die for them again and again.
What did you learn in News today,
Dear little boy of mine?
What did you learn in News today,
Dear little boy of mine?
I learned that war is not so bad;
I learned about the great ones we have had;
We fought in 1990 and in 2008
And someday I might get my chance.
~ Peer Pete Syed

For new “Radical Humanists with expertise in Kashmir affairs”

For new “Radical Humanists with expertise in Kashmir affairs” and for people selling the news about Geelani “talking” to Burhan Wani before his “sahadat” and Hafiz Saeed organizing the mass mourning.
Khudiram Bose carried out violent acts between the age of 14 to 16 in which innocent people died. Before his 19th birthday, he was hanged, people say, with a smile on his face. The legend of Khudiram Bose was born.
In 1949, Nehru refused to inaugurate Khudiram Bose Memorial in Muzaffarpur in 1949. In response, Nehru’s ideological opponent, M.N. Roy, the grand-daddy of new “Radical Humanists with expertise in Kashmir affairs” was to write:

“I had the privilege of knowing Khudiram. I met him and Prafulla [Chaki] on the eve of their pilgrimage…with pioneers like Khudiram, nationalism was a religion…For them, patriotism was not the path to power. It was tapasya, a mystic experience of self abnegation. Khudiram himself was the gentlest of souls…In a trance a psychological state of the mystic karamyogi, he stated on his fatal pilgrimage; the bomb on his box and the pistol in his pocket were not the means to destroy human life; they were as flowers with which the devotee goes to the temple to please and propitiate the god.” (Independent India April 16, 1949)
Nehru, in fervor of new found Aazadi, could have appropriated Khudiram Bose and cheered him as the youngest hero of Indian Freedom Struggle. It would have made good headlines and a lot of happy people. But, he didn’t. It was against his principle of non-violence and he probably better understood the perils it would bring for India. He would have been leading Indian Aazadi Tahreek in which Godse and Bose sleep in the same grave with Gandhi. One big graveyard. He wasn’t going to encourage the cult in which violence would be celebrated like a religion. Nehru was thinking about future while M.N. Roy fell back to populist iconography of his Hindu origins. The purpose of a revolution for M.N. Roy was always simple: if in the end the majority of the people are happy, the revolution is worth it. However, he didn't have to deal with morality of Islamist revolutions and the questions of minorities.
It is not surprising that today the “Kashmiri” followers of M.N. Roy still sell revolutions by using iconography of religion. And that’s why Kashmir is not anytime soon going to see a leader who can say Abdul Sattar Ranjoor and Burhan Wani cannot lie in the common grave of Kashmiri religio-nationalism.


Thursday, August 25, 2016

All maps are purely for propaganda purposes

“Later that night I held an atlas in my lap, ran my fingers across the whole world and whispered; “where does it hurt?” It answered everywhere, everywhere, everywhere.”
— Warsan Shire.
A Turk goes to see a doctor. He tells him: "When I touch my body with my finger, it hurts "When I touch my head, it hurts, my legs, it hurts "my belly, my hand, it hurts" The doctor examines him and then tells him: "Your body is fine but your finger is broken!"
~ Joke from "Taste of Cherry" (1997), anti-war film by the Iranian filmmaker Abbas Kiarostami

bekal Kalaam - 188

violence is the most logical thing
what is 1-1?
[a flying duster to your head]
it is whatever you want it to be
1-1 is "beat me more!"
foot soldier of anti-math brigade
1-1 is "still not the right answer"
zalim teacher
1-1 is "I am just doing my job"
government teacher
1-1 is "death to all governments"
commander of anti-school militia
1-1 is "how much do you want me to say?"
1-1 is "not the only question"
1-1 is "Brahmanical curriculum"
1-1 is "all answers are correct"
1-1 is "same as 2-1 in Pakistan"
1-1 is "a question to be forgotten"
1-1 is "a difficult question"
1-1 is "only Sufis know"
1-1 is "what was the question?"
silent majority
is a zero sum game that violence plays


When Sanjak Kak’s Jashan e Azadi (2007) came out hyper-nationalist were infuriated and asked for banning. I remember asking people to watch it. Only if you watch it, can you have an opinion on it. Only then you can understand why ultra-left would color Jihad as Intifada. Here’s the intro to the word “Intifada” in the film, the screen rolls in archival footage from 1992 showing Mujahideen giving gun salute to fallen comrades as common non-combatant local Kashmiris raise slogans, the narrator tells us :
“In the beginning of 1990, memories of old repression sought inspiration from Pakistan, Afghanistan; even Palestine and Iran. In those days, around 35000 rebels ( Kashmiris called them ‘Mujahideen’) were fighting the Indian army of 3.5 Lakh. The rebellion would be known as “Kashmiri Intifada”.

Mention of numbers, the maths, is of course to remind the viewers that the Mujahids were fighting a brave war against heavier odd. No mention of the fact that exactly from 1992 onwards the number of foreign Mujahids kept increasingly sneaking into Kashmir. However, this post is not about sneaky Mujahid with guns but an inquiry into how the word “Intifada” is sneaked into the left narrative. The director is honest enough and true to his principles claiming rebellion “would be” known as Kashmiri Intifada, he doesn’t claim it was back then known as Kashmiri Intifada. To the people on ground it was and it is Jihad, a religious duty. When the director says “would be known as”, it is just a wish that the director of the narrative has. It is like sugar coating a bitter pill of religious fanaticism with ideological romanticism. It is an attempt by Left to reclaim future without looking at its past failures.

The left has a special love for term Intifada. After all it is supposed to mean “resistance”. But, there is more to that love.

Most people now know the word thanks to the conflict industry setup around Palestine. But, the word in the sense it is used now, first came to be employed in Arab world of 1950s when the left was making great strides in attaining power. In Iraq, Iraqi Communist Party successfully used it against monarchy, the power of course later went to Army, and eventually to Iraqi “Ba'ath Party” (the words means “resurrection”) which spent no time burying communists. The original socialist Ba’ath Party before its split was founded in Syria by people who believed in pan Arab state. The left politics had a bigger impact on Syrian politics. At the time Syria was under military dictatorship of Adib Shishakli, a man who had earlier fought in Palestine in 1948. Communism had a mass following and was blooming.Historian Maxime Rodinson explains the significance of it as:
“In September 1954, in the first elections after Shishakli’s downfall, 22 Baathist were elected to the Parliament, together with the communist leader Khaled Begdash. This was the Left’s first great success in the Arab world.”

As later history tells us, this man too was hounded out.
Using such a powerful word in case of Kashmir, of course draws immediate connect from western audience which is well acquainted with Arab conflicts and its relation of the word “Intifada”to word colonialism. Even the left intelligentsia in India, has heavily invested in Palestinian conflict, so they too are able to see Kashmir with a certain lens when the word Intifada is used. It becomes easier to pass off Kashmir as a colony of India. India was a brute force.

And it has other benefits too:

When Hezbollah supports Intifada and when Arundhati Roy supports Intifada, both are essentially on same page and yet few would question Roy, “How can you be on same page as Hezbollah?”
Replace Hezbollah with Hizbul Mujahideen. You get the picture. If violent religious ideology of Hezbollah can be overlooked, Hizbul Mujahideen too can be sanitised and sold as “resistance movement” and broadcast on youtube as Electronic Resistance.

All that is fine. But, why this desperate attempt to plagiarize this history of Syria, Iraq, Palestine and Hezbollah, roll it into a bitter-sweet pill and pop it into “would be” conflict test lab of Kashmir. Why keep selling the condescending thought that when Muslims get repressed, they only rebel as violent religious organisations and the world has to accept it? Why not tell them about history of left led rebellion in Arab world? It’s success and failures. Similar success and failure of left in Kashmir. The assassinations of left leaders by the “rebels” in “Kashmir Intifada” of 1990s.

If nothing else, at least, come up with a Kashmiri word for Intifada.

What did Intifada do for Palestine?

Before the rise of religion driven movements and intifadas in Arab world, French Marxist historian Maxime Rodinson had these lines to offer as advise to his fellow Marxist in 1968. 

/“Yet false and over-schematised conceptions of Israel’s membership of and dependence on Western world must be rejected. Such conceptions are very widely held among the Arabs and elsewhere, and are furthermore frequently linked to Marxism. These notions are of the type which are fashionable in the most vulgar ideological Marxism of the Stalin era. The capitalist imperialist enemy of the people’s longings for liberty and equality is represented as a kind of legendary monster, with a single head and brain controlling a host of tentacles which unhesitatingly obey the orders of the master mind. The brain is situated somewhere between the Pentagon and wall Street, and none of the tentacles has any will of its own.
If the consequences of pressing a just claim are liable to be calamitous and unjust, and too fraught with practical difficulties, there may be grounds for suggesting that it be renounced. The wrong done to the Arabs by the Israelis is very real. However, it is only too common throughout history. Innumerable violations of rights of this nature have taken place since the beginnings of human society. Sometimes one side, sometimes the other has been the ultimate beneficiary. The Arabs, in their history, have made conquests on an infinitely greater scale and wronged many other nation. Some still behave in an entirely reprehensible manner - towards the Kurds for instance, and the negroes of South Sudan. The conquests of the past have been shrouded by the moral prescript of forgetfulness. The colonists are not monsters in human form, but people responding to reflexes which are unfortunately only too characteristic of social man. No one can without hypocrisy judge himself or his community to be free from such reflexes.”

Rodinson had the courage to say it after the end of 6 day war of 1967. Replace India with Israel and change Arabs with Kashmir, it won’t be difficult to do for some of you. If you go “…but India is no colonist” or “…but Kashmiris did no wrongs”, or “let’s get to the beginning”…you are either a hypocrite or ignorant or a mix of both.

It is easy to pass around quotes of Edward Said on Palestine and fit them to Kashmir. Be like Said, pick a stone and throw it around. But, is that honest.

“To make matters worse, the Palestinian Islamists have played into Israel’s relentless propaganda mills and its ever ready military by occasional bursts of wantonly barbaric suicide bombings that finally forced Arafat, in mid-December, to turn his crippled security forces against Hamas and Islamic Jihad, arresting militants, closing offices and occasionally firing at and killing demonstrators.[…]

A closer look at the Palestinian reality tells a somewhat more encouraging story. Recent polls have shown that between them, Arafat and his Islamist opponents (who refer to themselves unjustly as 'the resistance') get somewhere between 40 and 45 percent popular approval. This means that a silent majority of Palestinians is neither for the Authority's misplaced trust in Oslo (or for its lawless regime of corruption and repression) nor for Hamas's violence.”

 Edward Said wrote this in 2002 on the “new” Palestinian intifada, on how most Palestinians stood for neither Arafat nor Islamists, and how these people were the “silent majority”.

Needless to say, the intifada factory in India hasn’t yet reached a stage where such nuances matter. An Islamist terrorist is wrapped in sugar syrupy shroud weaved using "see-as-fit" words of Edward Said and presented as “The Resistance”, just because they, the Indian Palestinian experts, will have every one believe the most Kashmiris stand for Islamists and any body interesting in a future of Kashmir, has to get used to the idea. And it is all because of brutality. So, justified. So many are dying, so justified.

All the while failing to explain why even in face of Israeli brutalities, Palestinians were able reject Islamists?

The answer is because the Palestinians resistance is native while in Kashmir it is all an import. The guns and the ideology is imported from across the border while the lens used to analyse the Kashmir is imported from Indian intelligentsia that has long studied Palestine. These people who bendover backward to make Hizbul Mujahideen look like another run of the mill radical yet benign socialist party, are the people who would ensure that Kashmir will never see a truly secular future, or any future while Palestine still has a chance. Kashmir will only continue to churn out Indian experts who will put their sloppy Palestinan theories into action in Kashmir.

Now, recall history of Kashmir where unlike Palestine the violent bloodletting is only, on historic scale, recent, just 26 years old. If you see people peddling the failed vulgar variants of Marxist ideologies in case of Kashmir. It is no coincidence the new cry of Kashmiris is "Bharat ki Barbadi tak". You know how things would turn out. Kashmir still has a chance. All stake holders just need to count their losses of past, present and future.

Pic 1: Screengrab from the film showing Mujahideens giving gun salute to fallen comrades.
Pic 2: "Have mercy on us, because we are small and frightened and ignorant" ~ "dance macabre", end scene from "The Seventh Seal" (1957) by Ingmar Bergman.

Thursday, August 18, 2016

bekal kalaam - 189

He wanted to burn down the world
Most of all, he wanted to burn himself up
So he put on a suicide vest and headed for Qaf
It took him a thousand years
He was too late
The place was empty
Everyone had left
Judgements had been passed
Humanity extinguished
The world was finally at peace
Tell me Vikramaditya, 
Tell me RaaztriVikramSen,
if the fanatic was still enraged?
Tell me his next move.
Tell me or your head will go Boom.


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